Democrats Chuck Schumer and his minions look to save face in shutdown battle

Democrats Struggle to Balance Strategy and Optics in Government Shutdown Battle

Mar 14, 2025

As the possibility of a government shutdown looms, Senate Democrats find themselves caught between political pragmatism and pressure from progressive voices within their party. While activists and liberal lawmakers urge a hardline stance against a Republican-drafted six-month stopgap spending bill, Democratic leaders privately acknowledge that they are unlikely to allow a shutdown to occur. The complex political dance playing out behind closed doors highlights the challenge of maintaining party unity while ensuring the government remains operational.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) is treading carefully, allowing centrist members of his caucus the flexibility to support the House-passed continuing resolution (CR) if it is ultimately the only viable option to prevent a shutdown. While Schumer publicly asserts that Democrats will insist on a monthlong CR to provide more time for a broader spending agreement, insiders suggest this is largely a strategic move aimed at maintaining credibility with the party’s progressive wing.

Despite the internal party pushback, Senate Democrats appear poised to approve funding to keep the government running, acknowledging that the political and economic consequences of a shutdown would be dire. A senior Democratic senator, speaking on condition of anonymity, confirmed that, despite vocal opposition from some factions, the caucus will ultimately vote to avert a crisis.

Still, there remains an element of unpredictability. With the political landscape constantly shifting, any unexpected development could alter the calculus and force Democrats to rethink their strategy.

A key argument for avoiding a government shutdown comes from moderates within the party, who warn of the severe repercussions that would follow. Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) has been among the most vocal proponents of keeping the government open, stating bluntly that, while the proposed CR is flawed, a shutdown would be far worse.

“If you shut it down, you will impact and hurt millions and millions of Americans, and you run the risk of slipping us into a recession,” Fetterman cautioned in an interview with CNN.

His concerns are echoed by Sens. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) and John Hickenlooper (D-Colo.), both of whom have emphasized the dangers of a prolonged government shutdown. Hickenlooper, in particular, pointed out the expanded powers a shutdown would grant President Trump, arguing that it would allow the administration to unilaterally decide which government functions continue and which are halted.

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“The president has shown a willingness to cut far and wide, really on impulse in many cases,” Hickenlooper said. “In a strange way, a government shutdown gives him even more power.”

This concern resonates with many Senate Democrats, who fear that allowing Trump to dictate the shutdown’s terms would enable him to wield even greater influence over government operations.

Not all Democrats are on board with this pragmatic approach. Progressive leaders within the caucus are pushing for a more confrontational stance, arguing that the GOP-crafted bill fails to adequately fund critical government services. Many on the left had hoped Schumer would declare the House-passed resolution “dead on arrival,” refusing to negotiate with Republicans.

Instead, Schumer has opted for a more flexible approach, recognizing that rigid opposition would put centrist Democrats, particularly those facing tough reelection battles, in a difficult position. Vulnerable incumbents such as Sens. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) and Mark Warner (D-Va.) must navigate a delicate balance between appeasing their base and appealing to moderate voters in their states.

Frustration with Schumer’s strategy boiled over during a tense caucus meeting in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Room, where Democrats debated their approach for over an hour. Some senators could reportedly be heard raising their voices through the closed doors.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), a leading progressive, emerged as one of the strongest opponents of the GOP-drafted bill, arguing that it would slash funding for vital programs while benefiting the wealthy.

“I don’t understand how anyone can support a bill that would allow Donald Trump to fire another 25,000 veterans and take away nursing home spots from tens of thousands of seniors, all so that the Republicans can give $4.7 trillion in giveaways to billionaires and billionaire corporations,” Warren said.

In an effort to placate progressive members, Schumer announced after the caucus meeting that Democrats would insist on a vote on an alternative 30-day CR proposed by Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.).

“Republicans chose a partisan path, drafting their continuing resolution without any input from congressional Democrats. Because of that, Republicans do not have the votes in the Senate to invoke cloture on the House [continuing resolution],” Schumer said.

He further emphasized that Democrats were unified in their support for a clean, short-term funding measure that would keep the government open while allowing more time for negotiations.

However, the reality is that Murray’s bill is unlikely to pass. When it inevitably fails, at least eight Senate Democrats are expected to pivot and vote in favor of the House-passed bill, ensuring government funding continues.

Senate Republicans are open to allowing a vote on the Democratic alternative, but only if Schumer agrees to accelerate the process for considering both the House-passed six-month CR and the 30-day CR. However, GOP leaders have already made it clear that they will whip votes against the Democratic measure to ensure it does not pass.

Senate Majority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.) acknowledged that Democrats have made demands but have yet to present a clear offer for how to proceed.

“They got out and made this statement, but they haven’t approached with any kind of suggestion or an offer yet,” Thune remarked.

He suggested that Democrats could expedite the voting process to avoid a last-minute scramble before the funding deadline.

“If they want a vote on it,” Thune said, “instead of hanging around here until midnight on Friday, they could agree to vote on Murray’s monthlong CR and the House-passed six-month CR earlier in the week.”

Complicating matters is the fact that the House has adjourned for the week and has no plans to reconvene before government funding expires on March 14. Even if the Senate were to approve the Democratic-backed 30-day CR, there is no guarantee that the House would return in time to pass it. Furthermore, it remains unclear whether President Trump would sign a Democratic-led funding bill into law.

“I think that ship has sailed,” a Republican aide noted, referring to the slim chances of getting the necessary 13 Republican votes to pass the Democratic proposal.

With Republicans holding a 53-47 majority in the Senate, the math is clear: Either at least eight Democrats must support the House CR, or at least 13 Republicans must defect and vote for the alternative 30-day measure. Given the entrenched partisan divide, the latter scenario is highly unlikely.

Meanwhile, fiscal conservatives like Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) have signaled their opposition to the House-passed bill, arguing that it fails to sufficiently address the growing federal deficit.

Despite the intra-party friction and strategic posturing, the likeliest outcome remains that Democrats will ultimately allow the House CR to pass, albeit begrudgingly. Schumer’s maneuvering aims to provide space for moderates to back the bill while allowing progressives to register their opposition. In the end, Democrats appear determined to avoid a shutdown—but not without a final round of political theater to reinforce their messaging to their respective constituencies.

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