If Nothing Changes, It Will Take 100 Years to Reach Gender Parity in State Legislatures. We’re Not Willing to Wait That Long.

How systemic barriers and incremental progress threaten to stall women’s representation—and what it will take to accelerate change.

In 2025, women hold just over 32% of seats in U.S. state legislatures—a record high, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures

—but far from parity. At the current rate of progress, it could take a century before women achieve equal representation in these critical lawmaking bodies. The milestone, once heralded as a sign of progress, now reads like a glaring indictment: change is happening, but not nearly fast enough.

The gap matters because state legislatures shape nearly every aspect of American life. From reproductive rights to education funding to environmental regulation, these lawmakers set the tone and trajectory for millions of residents. Yet, women—who make up more than half the population—remain dramatically underrepresented in the rooms where these decisions are made.

“Parity isn’t just about fairness; it’s about effectiveness,” said Debbie Walsh, director of the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) at Rutgers University. “When women are at the table, policy debates are richer, and legislation is more reflective of the communities it serves. But the reality is, we’re nowhere near equity.”

The Pace of Progress Is Glacial

Since 1971, when women made up less than 5% of state legislators, their numbers have grown steadily but slowly. According to CAWP’s latest report, the percentage of women in state legislatures has increased by just 1-2 percentage points every two years over the last decade. At that rate, full parity—50% representation—won’t arrive until the year 2125.

Part of the reason for the slow climb is structural: most state legislative seats are incumbency strongholds. Once elected, lawmakers rarely lose their seats. With turnover rates hovering around 20% in many states, opportunities for new candidates—especially women—are scarce.

“When we talk about systemic barriers, we often focus on fundraising or recruitment,” said Walsh. “But the structure of these legislatures themselves—the incumbency advantage, the way districts are drawn—makes it very difficult to see rapid change.”

The Pipeline Problem

Recruitment remains a major hurdle. Research shows that women are less likely to be recruited to run for office, and even when they are, they’re often recruited later than their male counterparts. This delay can mean less time to fundraise, build a network, or establish a public profile before Election Day.

“Men are told from a young age that they’re leaders,” said Amanda Hunter, executive director of the Barbara Lee Family Foundation, a nonpartisan organization that researches women’s political leadership. “Women, on the other hand, are told they’re helpers, not decision-makers. We see the effects of that socialization when we’re trying to convince women to run.”

Organizations like She Should Run and Emerge America are working to close the gap by recruiting and training women candidates at the local and state levels. Emerge alone has trained over 5,000 Democratic women since its founding in 2002, with many graduates now serving in state legislatures or higher offices. Still, these efforts are fighting against decades of cultural conditioning and systemic bias.

The Intersectional Gap

Gender parity is not a single-issue goal; it intersects with race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and socioeconomic status. While the number of women of color in state legislatures has grown, they remain severely underrepresented. According to CAWP, women of color hold just 9% of all state legislative seats—in a country where women of color make up nearly 20% of the population.

This disparity isn’t just about numbers; it affects the kind of policies that get prioritized. Women of color legislators have been at the forefront of pushing for policies like paid family leave, maternal health equity, and criminal justice reform—issues that often stall in legislatures dominated by white men.

“When we talk about representation, it’s not just about counting heads,” said state Sen. Jennifer McClellan of Virginia. “It’s about bringing lived experiences to policymaking. Until legislatures reflect the communities they serve, they will continue to pass policies that leave people behind.”

Money and Power

Campaign financing remains one of the steepest hurdles for women candidates. Studies consistently show that women raise as much as men once they’re in the race, but they are less likely to have access to the high-dollar donor networks that can make or break a campaign early on.

Additionally, systemic inequities—like pay gaps, student loan debt, and caregiving responsibilities—make it harder for women to take the financial risks of running for office. State legislative salaries, which often hover between $20,000 and $40,000 annually, create another barrier: serving is simply not a financially viable option for many working-class women.

“Serving in a legislature is often treated as part-time work, but the reality is it’s a full-time commitment,” said Hunter. “That system favors people who already have wealth or financial security. It’s a structural problem that keeps women and people of color out.”

Why Parity Matters

Representation isn’t just a moral imperative; it’s a practical one. Research shows that women legislators are more likely to champion bills on education, healthcare, and social services—issues that disproportionately affect families and marginalized communities. Women are also more likely to introduce bipartisan legislation and collaborate across party lines.

In states with more women in office, there’s a measurable difference in policy outcomes. For example, studies have found that states with higher numbers of women legislators are more likely to have stronger family leave policies and higher investments in public education.

“When you have more women in the room, you get a different set of priorities,” said McClellan. “It’s not that men don’t care about these issues, but women often come to the table with different lived experiences that shape their approach to policymaking.”

The Risk of Complacency

The steady rise in women’s representation over the past 50 years is often cited as proof that progress is inevitable. But activists warn that this narrative breeds complacency.

“Progress is not guaranteed,” said Walsh. “We’ve seen states backslide in recent years, especially when political polarization intensifies. We can’t assume the numbers will just keep going up if we don’t invest in the infrastructure to support women candidates.”

Some states illustrate this point starkly. For example, while Nevada made headlines in 2019 as the first state to achieve a majority-women legislature, other states, like Wyoming and West Virginia, still have less than 20% female representation. The unevenness highlights how localized and fragile progress can be.